Thursday, February 26, 2009

Benin Politics : WHERE IS BONI YAYI HEADING?


Will the strategy of division and bribery work in the end?

NOW BONI YAYI, A MAN WHO WAS ELECTED WITH MORE THAN 75% OF THE VOTE FAVORABLE TO HIM AND AT THE BEGINNING OF HIS TERM HAD ENJOYED TREMENDOUS SUPPORT FROM THE POLITICAL PARTIES AS WELL AS FROM THE ORDINARY CITIZENS, IS CONFINED TO A STRATEGY OF DIVISION AND BRIBERY TO SECURE A SECOND TERM IN OFFICE.

Definitely the days, when demonstrations were staged throughout the whole country on almost a daily base by Boni YAYI’s supporters are over. Two years ahead of the 2011 presidential contest, the beninese political landscape is once more changing forever.

Almost three years ago, when the current Head of State took over from his predecessor, after he won the 2006 presidential race by getting 75% of the vote, the political landscape was shacked. For the first time in Benin's history and since the beginning of the democratic era, someone who did not formerly belong to the traditional political scene, someone that was unknown for many few months ago, had become an elected Head of State.

Boni YAYI, therefore, had enjoyed a lot of sympathy and even his contender in the second round of 2006 presidential elections, Mr. Adrien HOUNGBEDJI was hesitant to declare that he and his party, the PRD, intended to assume the opposition role.

How has the presidential camp isolate itself?

The opposition against Boni YAYI actually started within his own camp. His refusal to hand over the management of Dantokpa market to the Cotonou municipality, the unsuccessful attempt from the ruling FCBE to take hold of Cotonou municipality through the March 2008 local elections and the direct verbal assaults of some FCBE members on the Cotonou Mayor, the former Head of State, Nicéphore SOGLO are among others the main reasons that pushed the party Ranaissance du Bénin (RB) into the opposition.

It was not at all a coincidence that the first declaration of the G4 was made public almost at the same time on Wednesday, February 12, 2008. The RB is apparently one of the initiators of the G4 which is made up, apart from the RB, of the PSD, the MADEP and the PRD. The RB, the PSD and the MADEP supported Boni YAYI in the second round of the 2006 presidential race but all of them are right now conducting an increasingly virulent opposition against him.

Division as a strategy


To this situation, Boni YAYI has responded with a strategy aiming at dividing these different parties.

In the RB, the Minister, Ganiou SOGLO has been doing all he can to make the party divided inciting controversial statements from parliamentarians such as Epiphane QUENUM and Justine CHODATON.

In the PRD, Mathias GBEDAN who was few days ago the Vice-Chairman of the party is now a FCBE member. His resignation from the party has allowed him to reach an arrangement with the ruling FCBE which is dominant in the municipal council to secure the renewal of his seat of Sème-Kpodji Mayor.

In the PSD, some parliamentarians have been threatening to resign from the party while, in the MADEP which voiced its willingness not to take part in the Government, two of its members are appointed ministers without the party's approval.

Bribery as a strategy

Issa SALIFOU, a parliamentarian who belongs to the G13 at the UNDP's convention in Bohicon on Saturday, February 21, 2009, made about the Government of Boni YAYI serious accusations alleging that huge amounts of funds have been spent by Ministers to bribe some members of the National Assembly: « I assure you today that at the National Assembly, when there is a bill to be passed by vote, they spend in terms of millions and billions to press people; it's huge…»

Similar accusations of malpractice, corruption and bribery were made few days earlier by the PSD Chairman, Mr. Bruno AMOUSSOU: « Nobody can be proud of a Parliament …where money becomes the engine, not sneakily but uncoveredly rewarding for the stand. The fact that some members of the State Government walk around in the National Assembly's corridors or settle in rooms with bags full of money in search for a MP to take hold of is heartbreaking …» That practice was common under the former regime though they have never been confirmed by an official investigation.

All these accusations have been made against a Government leaded by someone that had raised so much hope. If those accusations were to be confirmed, it would be a serious setback to people who fought Mathieu KEREKOU, expecting Boni YAYI's rise in power could mean change for the better in the way public affairs were handled.

Which legacy has Boni YAYI been leaving behind?

On good governance front, Boni YAYI had promised to restore ethics in Benin politics and help combat corruption. Many came to believe in him and supported him because of this commitment he made but now they are disenchanted as nothing has happened the way they had expected.

Of course, Boni YAYI, at the beginning of his term sacked some of his Ministers but never disclosed the reasons behind the dismissals. A part from these dismissals, nothing has seriously been done to fight corruption.

Instead, according to different allegations, the same malpractice has never disappeared in the handling of public affairs. Even some members of the ruling FCBE who are parliamentarians have come under severe accusations of wrongdoings and embezzlement of public funds. Till now, nothing serious has been done about these cases.

Now there are accusations that some of his Ministers have been involved in bribery in broad daylight in the National Assembly.

Regarding national unity, he had promised to unit the country especially the political forces behind him and mobilize the people for the Nation's development but the facts on the ground now prove he has not yet succeeded, to say the least. Instead, he himself has alienated the supports of all the parties that rallied behind him in the second term of 2006 presidential contest. Today, the political arena and event the whole country are divided than ever before.

In fact, on the national unity front, the nation seems to be weakened today. It is as if the politicians are rewarded for being disloyal to their parties. For example, the Sème-Kpodji's Mayor, Mathias GBEDAN was given the seat because he had resigned from the PRD's chairmanship.

On the decentralization front, he had promised to promote local good governance however the facts are different. Because of his political foxiness, he refused to give up the Dantokpa market. Why? Why did Boni YAYI not want and will he not want to hand over the market's management to the City Council? The handing over of this market's management to the City Council would have been a proof of its commitment to local good governance, to decentralization. It would have also helped the speedy development of Cotonou city.

All these analysis leads to the conclusion that Boni YAYI has not distant himself from his predecessor who used to divide, weaken and oppose the parties by the same strategies of bribery and manipulation.

The promised change is yet to be delivered.

Can he secure a second term in office?

Right now, Boni YAYI and his camp seem very isolated on the political landscape. He is now divorced with the MADEP, the PSD, the RB and the Force Clé. Moreover, Mathieu KEREKOU, who is said to still have a lot of influence and especially have close ties with the G13 and Bio TCHANE, a potential contender for the 2011 presidential race, seems annoyed by the released of Reckya MADOUGOU's book. Some members of the Civil Society also appear less enthusiastic with him. It is the case now with the Professor Roger GBEGNOVI who recently rejected an appointment as special advisor to the Head of State after he himself had said on TV that he would be willing to hold such a position. Even within his own party, FCBE, there are voices expressing their disapproval about his policy.

It is unlikely that if the situation remains as it is right now, Boni YAYI would be able secure a second term in office.

Alfred Cossi CHODATON
alf2chod@yahoo.fr

Tuesday, February 24, 2009

Benin Politics : SURPRISING STATEMENT FROM JANVIER YAHOUEDEOU

Can Boni YAYI still counts on Janvier YAHOUEDEOU?

IN A SPEECH DELIVERED AT THE UNDP CONVENTION ON SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 21, 2009, IN BOHICON, JANVIER YAHOUEDEOU WHO IS A RULING FCBE'S LEADING MEMBER, AN ADVISOR AND A CLOSE ASSOCIATE TO BONI YAYI, WERE MUCH CRITICAL ABOUT THE HEAD OF STATE. IT WAS AN EVENT THAT COULD NOT GO UNNOTICED.


YAHOUEDEOU had to speak after the MP Issa SALIFOU who made different accusations against the Government. Among other accusations, Issa SALIFOU said: « I assure you today that at the National Assembly, when there is a bill to be passed by vote, they spend in terms of millions and billions to press people; it's huge…»

Then YAHOUEDEOU had the floor to speak. And here is what he said: « When listening to the MP Issa SALIFOU, for someone like I who had fought KEREKOU for ten years, my conscience can only be summoned. Today as a FCBE member, near the Head of State, I am shocked by what I have been hearing for awhile and particularly about what I have heard regarding car business. I promise you, especially in the presence of my political hero, President ZINSOU that I will do my own investigations. And if there were a single accusation made by the MP Saley which happened to be true, I promise, to the people of Benin, that I would fight Boni YAYI's regime to the end. I spent ten years of my life fighting Mathieu KEREKOU. I lost part of my fortune. I put my life at risk. I was under the threat to be imprisoned. I desired change, not a change in the looting of the national economy. If a single word is true, the opposition will register one of the most virulent of its members.

I would like to invent the Honorary Chairman and all members of the UNDP to record Voters' Register Computerization Project (in French Liste Electorale Permanente Informatisée: LEPI) as one of the main issues on this convention’s agenda. For awhile, we have been hearing about the feasibility of the LEPI for 2011presidential contest. No serious citizen may reject the LEPI? We all want the LEPI. However, we do not want a LEPI that will lead us to war. We need to think twice. We can proceed with implementing the LEPI. Nevertheless it does not mean that without the LEPI we will not hold the elections even if it is not totally transparent, although there are cases of theft. Why the fuss, the precipitation and the media campaign which intends to say: LEPI or nothing else. What does the Head of State, who is in office right now; fear? He came to power in a transparent manner. Why does he fear that by 2011 there will be problem if there is no LEPI? ……»

According to an article which was published in one of the local media on Tuesday, February 24, 2009, a meeting was convened by the party's leaders to listen to him. Janvier YAHOUEDEOU did not retract. He maintained his criticisms and assumed the entire responsibility for his statement. He brilliantly defended himself arguing that the experts' report on the LEPI may lead the country to chaos. And in that case, the Head of State will have to be held accountable. Even other influential members of the ruling FCBE agreed with him. Anyway, Janvier YAHOUEDEOU is someone that has to be under scrutiny.

Alfred Cossi CHODATON
alf2chod@yahoo.fr

Benin Politics : BONI YAYI AND ALBERT TEVOEDJRE

Albert TEVOEDJRE handing over his report to Boni YAYI appeared apprehensive

DURING A CEREMONY THAT TOOK PLACE AT THE PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE, THE PALAIS DE MARINA ON THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 19, 2009, THE PROFESSOR ALBERT TEVOEDJRE APPEARED APPREHENSIVE AS HE WAS DISCLOSING THE CONTENT OF THE REPORT ON THE PRESIDENTIAL BODY FOR MEDIATION (IN FRENCH ORGANE PRESIDENTIEL DE MEDIATION : OPM).

By a presidential order, the Body was set up as a substitute to the Mediator of Republic which does not exist right now in Benin for the 1990 Constitution makes no provision for it.

It was a report, made up of one hundred and seventy eight (178) pages touching on the evolution of the body, its 2007 and 2008 assessments, its challenges and prospects, which was handed over to the Head of State by the Professor. In his speech, the OPM's Head disclosed some figures about the activities of the body. Till now, 829 cases have been introduced to the OPM, 232 in 2007, 541 in 2008 and 56 in 2009. Among these cases of conflicts between the civil service and the citizens, 500 have been resolved successful through amicable action.

For both men, the Professor and the Head of States, these figures speak for themselves and there is no doubt the Mediator of Republic is an urgent priority.

However beyond the significance of this ceremony, many observers in the media have tried to make analysis about some of the words which appeared in the Professor's speech and about what they may mean behind the scene.

“By responding positively to your generous appeal, I have promised, Mr. President, my humble and devoted contribution as long as my health, that the Providence holds in its hands, allows me to serve my country….But, it is true that I have been walking and going forward, without illusion, into the dusk of my life…”

Albert TEVOEDJRE, the fox

Such a statement from a cute man, like the Professor Albert TEVOEDJRE, may mean more than what it says. Albert TEVOEDJRE, nicknamed the fox is an octogenarian, a politician well-known to be good at catching the mood of the people. And this ability has always allowed him to find himself on the right side of the political landscape.

In 1996, he was among the first politicians to predict Mathieu KEREKOU's victory. In 2006, he did the same with Boni YAYI. He therefore is someone that can always feel what the ordinary citizens think and act consequently.

It is in this sense that many see the statement he made during the ceremony. Might his statement mean a negative apprehension on his part for his friend for 2011 presidential contest? Might it mean that he wants to quit the boat before it capsizes?

Albert TEVOEDJRE knows very well that many of the indicators are not good for the current Head of State who has to face an increasing hostile opposition from the G and F.

Discontentment in TEVOEDJRE's party

Another reason that might help explains TEVOEDJRE's statement is the disenchantment in his party, PNE (Parti National Ensemble) whose executive committee met on Saturday, February 21, 2009 in Avrankou.

During the session, some members of the party's executive committee openly voiced their dissatisfaction. In fact, since March 2008, the party, responding to an appeal made by Boni YAYI to all the political forces supporting him, has been engaged in an alliance with the ruling FCBE. Nevertheless, according to many members of the executive committee, there is still lack of trust between FCBE and PNE.

On Tuesday 27th of January 2009, when the bill on the Mediator of Republic were to be passed in the National Assembly, the ruling FCBE joined forces with opposition parties to postpone the debate. The postponement was viewed by many as a personal setback to the Professor.
Therefore, in the party, there are hardliners who are eager to put an end to their partnership with the ruling FCBE.

Nevertheless YAYI still holds fast to TEVOEDJRE

Boni YAYI does not want the Professor to turn his back on him:

“Despite your age, I can not till now do without your competence and your enriched and long experience to go on managing the Institution of dialogue and social justice that is the Presidential Body for Mediation”

Boni YAYI is also aware that he still needs to have Albert TEVOEDJRE on his side.

Alfred Cossi CHODATON
alf2chod@yahoo.fr

Thursday, February 19, 2009

Benin Politics : CONTROVERSY OVER MADOUGOU’S FIRST BOOK


Beninese Minister of Microfinance is facing a controversy over her first book


THE BOOK WAS RELEASED IN PARIS AT SOFITEL ARC DE TRIOMPHE FRIDAY, JANUARY 30, 2009 THEN IN COTONOU AT MARINA HOTEL ON FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 2009 BUT NOW IS RAISING CONTROVERSY AS FORMER PRESIDENT, MAJOR GENERAL MATHIEU KEREKOU WHO IS SEVERELY CRITICIZED IN THE BOOK AND HIS RELATIVES ARE SAID TO BE VERY ANGRY AGAINST NOT ONLY THE MINISTER BUT ALSO AGAINST HER BOSS.


The main issue of the book is «the challenges of the people’s mobilization for the promotion of democratic good governance». The book’s title in French is “Mon combat pour la parole” which may be translated as “My struggle for the floor”.
In her book, she describes her fight for the promotion of good governance. Reckya MADOUGOU is known to be one of the majors actors involved in the beninese Civil Society’s combat against the third term of Mathieu KEREKOU in office. Her posters on which it was written ‘Do not touch my constitution!’ had helped mobilize the people against the attempt of the regime to amend the 1990 constitution.
By writing this book, she intends to serve as a model for the african women and in general for the african people who are engaged in the fight for good governance on the continent.
On Friday, February 13, 2009 during the ceremony of the book’s release in Cotonou, at Marina Hotel, the first copy sold was worth 27.200.000 cfa francs while in bookshops it could be bought 8.000 cfa francs. The release was enthusiastically welcome by the folks. Among the most distinguished guests who attended the ceremony were the Ambassador of Netherland, the President of Benin’s Chamber of Commerce and different members of the Civil Society.
However, the book does not please everybody. Especially, the former Head of State seems to be much annoyed by what his friends and supporters see as allegations and lies intending to dirty his reputation. It is as if they see the hands of the government behind the book. And the attempts of the Government to distant itself from the controversy has so far been unsuccessful.
Some local news paper wrote about different Boni YAYI’s envoys who had been sent to calm down the former Head of State in vain.

In an article published in daily news paper on February 16, 2009, Modeste KEREKOU, a former MP who is the son of Mathieu KEREKOU, talking about Reckya MADOUGOU’s book and its content accused her of ill faith, mentioned irrelevances, allegations, evil intention to discredit his father, self-conceit, self-praise and misguided comparison of the regime of his father and the current regime which, according to him, the book contains:
« “My struggle for the floor” is the pompous title of the book. The era Miss MADOUGOU, the Minister has decided to make her analysis upon is one from 2003 to 2006. Dear compatriots, was freedom of expression suppressed during this period in our country? And even beyond that, let me go back to 1996, the year which marked the return of President KEREKOU in office. From 1996 to 2006 during the two (02) terms of my father, was freedom of expression confiscated or restrained in our country? Has there been a single prisoner of conscience or a political prisoner in our country during this period? [..] That period and the one we live right now in, which of these two deserves the fight for freedom of expression? Which of these periods is characterized by promotion of intolerance, public and private media muzzling, obscure deals and bargains, pressures of all kinds, state terrorism, disrespect for balance of power between state institutions, and simply the denial of democracy? I leave upon everybody the responsibility according to his experience of these two eras to answer sincerely. ..»
«Democracy is not arrogance or contempt. Political adversity can not be freed from morality and respect for human dignity. Membership of a government is not a license to insult and slander…»

Media also wrote about a possible legal action against the Minister.

In a communiqué released by PRPB which was the ruling party under the military regime of Mathieu KEREKOU called for the resignation of Reckya MADOUGOU.

In fact, the former President is said to still have a lot of influence on the political scene and Boni YAYI surely does not want him to turn his back on him at a time when he is faced with challenging hostilities from an opposition which is getting increasing dominant.
Another worrisome situation to the current President is the behavior of Bio TCHANE who has been his successor as the head of West African Development Bank (in French Banque Ouest Africaine de Développement: BOAD). Bio TCHANE is from the Northern West region of the country and may turn out to be an obstacle to him in his quest for second term in office. Bio TCHANE’s candidacy may erode his electors. Boni YAYI, to win the 2011 presidential contest, needs to assure the total support of the North which is his most important fiefdom.
According to rumors, Mathieu KEREKOU and Bio TCHANE who are both from the same region have close ties. Moreover, the coalition of G13 which seems to support Bio TCHANE’s candidacy for the March 2011 presidential race also has ties with Mathieu KEREKOU.

Alfred CHODATON
alf2chod@yahoo.fr

Benin Politics : LETTER TO MODESTE KEREKOU

Adrien AHANHANZO’s response to the former Honorable MP, Modeste KEREKOU

PUBLISHED IN THE DAILY NEWS PAPER “LA NOUVELLE TRIBUNE” ON FEBRUARY 16, 12009, THE LETTER REJECTS THE ACCUSATIONS OF MODESTE KEREKOU AGAINST RECKYA MADOUGOU.

Modeste, my dear friend, you are a witness to the esteem and sympathy that we have for one each. I discovered later that the blood of King BEHANZIN was flowing through your veins. So how could one wonder this blood appeal for AHANHANZO was the senior brother of Prince KONDO!

They forced me, this esteem and this sympathy, to put to you just a few lines about your media release on the weekend to mark the publication of the excellent book of the excellent Reckya MADOUGOU and about the too little that she tells about your father, President Mathieu KEREKOU.

Your attitude was inappropriate: you are far too young to know the whole political history of Dahomey and Benin in which your father and too few Dahomeans and Beninese have been involved. The October 2, 1972 was not the beginning, and yet it is a day already 37 years old. How old were you, 37 years ago? How old were you, all these “daddy’s boys" who want to rewrite history? All Beninese who were 13 years old at the time, otherwise, are 50 years old today, and who constitute the most important portion of the administrative staff of our government, are not even able to know, therefore to tell, therefore to take a stand.

Then Reckya MADOUGOU said nothing of the essential: the Essential happens when all those who write a book, and I am part of them, will deliver the fruits of their experience. It is indispensable, the duty of memory, it was essential to give the time, time to settle all the unhappy memories of the inevitable subjectivity. But make no mistake: We will write the history of Dahomey and Benin, and everyone will have the opportunity to assess which sufferings some Dahomeans were subjected to by other Dahomeans, simply because of disagreement over ideas, methods, and strategies.

Those who have suffered do not cultivate nor spread hatred. There is even no bitterness in their hearts! They are aware, more than others, of the destructive capacity the hideous beast that lies dormant within each of us. That is why, although they have forgiven, they refuse to forget, in order to maintain the waking state that allowed us from 2004 to 2006, among others, to oppose, PACIFICALLY, the revision of the constitution.

It is essential that Benin take hold of its history, all its history, even the darkest pages of this history, as all major countries of the world did, France, Germany, Japan and son on. We are mature enough to do so. We must move forward.

Mathieu KEREKOU knows better than anyone, the need for all his people to remain silent and to take low-profile ... Then daddy's boy, easy-easy please!

Translated by Alfred CHODATON
alf2chod@yahoo.fr

Tuesday, February 17, 2009

Benin Politics : A GLANCE AT THE FEBRUARY 1990 NATIONAL CONFERENCE

The closing speech delivered by the President Mathieu KEREKOU

ON WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 1990 AFTER ALBRET TEVOEDJRE HAD RELEASED THE REPORT ON THE OUTCOME THE CONFERENCE, THE HEAD OF STATE, THE PRESIDENT MATHIEU KEREKOU IN A HIGHLY TENSED ATMOSPHERE, STATED HIS SPEECH IN THESE WORDS:

Firmly resolved to fulfill the essential requirements of the new history of our young nation, and to promote a genuine renew democratic era that can ensure the happy combination of all possibilities and all the creative energies of our people, to stem the crisis and ensure the recovery of the national economy through the implementation of our victorious Structural Adjustment Program, we take all our responsibilities knowingly by inviting representatives of all the forces of our country, regardless of their political tendencies at a national conference to set through dialogue, consultation and consensus a framework for a consistent and constructive dynamic up to the legitimate and profound aspirations of the beninese people as a whole.

Nine days, day and night, the sound echoes of your broad and deep debate broadcast live on our radio and TV stations have allowed the national, african and international communities to be aware of the concerns and solutions advocated by one another in this room.

In this sitting of the official closure of the national conference, we would like to thank and congratulate all the delegates who have spared neither their strengths nor their health to ensure that the deadlock is avoided and that the expectations of Benin's people are not disappointed. Also we would like to tell you once again how much we appreciate the enthusiasm with which you have massively responded to our call and the zeal with which you have worked continuously for nine days and often late into the night. We would also like to congratulate especially our Presidium and especially the pious man who presided over your work, His Excellency Archbishop Isidore de SOUZA here. We pay a heartfelt tribute to his courage, his patience, sensitivity and firmness, and especially for his insight and foresight, all qualities rare among the common people, qualities with which he was able to manage all the contradictions concentrated within the conference. All thanks go also to all former presidents that we do not, as far as I am concerned, as delegates to the conference, but our guests.

The renew democratic era, whose foundations you have laid down spent at the conference, paves the way for a new legitimacy in our country, Benin.

'To govern is to plan', someone else said . And that's why launching the start of the conference, Monday 19 February 1990, we said that we were fully aware of the consequences and all the implications that follow from your work. We are not surprised and we are calm because we knew it was going to happen the way it has happened, but in a more respectful way than what we had experienced at certain times. Thank God, the solution was found thanks to the chairman of the presidium.

Today Wednesday 28 February 1990, we call on the entire people of Benin to bear witness to us and affirm our commitment to implement in a realistic manner, all decisions taken at the National Conference of the Active Forces of the Nation.

Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, for the sake of the nation and the beninese people as a whole, we say that the decisions taken by the conference will be applied in the order and discipline freely consented. This is not defeatism, it is not capitulation, it is a matter of national responsibility.

Translated by

Alfred Cossi CHODATON
alf2chod@yahoo.fr

Benin Politics : FUTURE OF BENIN'S DEMOCRACY

If only the G4 could not be just an illusion, Benin's democracy would be improved!

SINCE THE 1991, THE PERMANENT AND CONSTANT DIVISION OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES HAS ALWAYS ALLOWED INDIVIDUAL LEADERS TO OUTGROW THEM. THIS IS TRUE ABOUT NICEPHORE SOGLO, MATHIEU KEREKOU AND BOIN YAYI. COULD THIS TREND BE STOPPED BY THE EMERGING FORCE THAT G4 HAS BECOME ON THE BENIN POLITICAL LANDSCAPE?

The bitter rivalries opposing the parties have always allowed the rise of powerful figures outside the traditional political landscape. It is why the late roundup of major political parties such as PRD, PSD, MADEP and RB, which previously had been fighting one another since the beginning of the democratic era, is seen as a change looming on horizon; change which might allow the political parties in the future fully to play their role.

Rise of G4

The year 2008 has marked a turning point on the Benin's political landscape. On Wednesday, March 12, 2008, PRD, PSD, MADEP and RB all came together with other political parties to vent their grievances about President Boni YAYI's handling of the country's affairs. From November 28 to 29, 2008, during a meeting convened for the occasion in Abomey and Bohicon, the coalition of G4 again with G13, Force Clé and other political parties joined forces to voice their disapproval on the way public affairs have been dealt with since Boni YAYI came into office in April 2006, but this time, took everybody by surprise by expressing their willingness to provide a political alternative, to initiate a common policy of government and to fight to win together the next presidential elections schedule to take place in March 2011.

Vocation of political parties

One of the main features of democracy is accountability which implies that all elected leaders are to be accountable for their deeds in office to their partisans and voters. In multiparty system the elected leaders not only are accountable to the voters but also to their parties. Their parties hold dear some principles of government that they can not violate.

In 1996, PRD and PSD rallied behind Mathieu KEREKOU. Nevertheless shortly after his victory, Adrien HOUNGBEDJI had to resign with three ministers members of his party from the government. In 2006, RB supported Boni YAYI hoping that he would keep his promise and implement the decentralization act. Till now, the handing over of the needed resources to the municipality of Cotonou has not been done. Those examples demonstrate how in the Beninese democracy the Head of State appears to be above the political parties and is not accountable to them.

The inability of the political parties to fight and win the election on their own makes them dependent on individual figures that have nothing to do with any party line.

Therefore, the alliance of G4, if it could endure and face courageously its challenging contradictions, would lead to a significant breach in the recent Benin's history, automatically strengthen the political parties and enable them to make the rule of accountability work.

This will certainly help to put an end to rule of impunity for these individual figures are not accountable to any political parties.

How should G4 brace itself for 2011?

But failure on the part of different members of the alliance to put aside their resentment towards one another will definitely result in disillusionment.

The choice of candidate outside the alliance is not an option. As a consequence, the first thing is that the alliance of G4 needs to have a unique candidate chosen among the potential contenders of the member parties. It is very important that the candidate is a member of the alliance. That is the only way he can be made accountably to the G4.

The second thing is that the alliance needs to have a clear communication strategy. The ruling FCBE has always used the phrase “old ruling class” to talk about this alliance. What this alliance has to do is to avoid giving into that trap. The alliance has to convince the voters that it is not a roundup of vindictive losers seeking revenge but instead it is a coalition of leaders who want help improve the state of the Benin's democracy by allowing the political parties to play their role and the voters to chose leaders that are accountable to them.

If the alliance could do so, and provide change in government in 2011, this would be a major event in Benin politics since 1990. It would surely be the beginning of a new era which will be marked by the full participation of the political parties in the functioning of democracy.

Alfred Cossi CHODATON
alf2chod@yahoo.fr

Thursday, February 12, 2009

Benin Politics : COMPUTERIZATION OF BENIN’S ELECTORAL SYSTEM


Is a row about to break over the computerization of voters’ registry?

LEA HOUNKPE WHO IS THE COORDINATOR OF THE PERMANENT ADMINISTRATIVE SECRETARIAT (SAP) OF THE NATIONAL ELECTORAL AND INDEPENDENT COMMISSION (CENA), IN A PRESS CONFERENCE AT HER OFFICE ON MONDAY, DECEMBER 09, 2009, ADDRESSED THE ISSUE RELATING TO THE COMPUTERIZATION OF THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM AND REFERRING TO THE ELECTORAL ACT CLAIMED THE INSTITUTION SHE HEADS IS THE ONE QUALIFIED TO CARRY OUT THE TASK.

Beninese electoral system has been unreliable. It has been the subject of controversies. All the latest presidential, legislative or local elections held in Benin ended up in acrimonious disputes. The March 2008 local elections have been one of the most controversial ever organized in Benin. As the 2011 presidential contest is about two (02) years away from now and considering the previous post electoral wrangling, both local and international observers have been growing apprehensive and the entire political arena agrees upon the need for the computerization of voters’ registration in order to prevent a potential electoral crisis.

But so far the willingness of the Government to carry it out is yet to materialize.

Since KEREKOU era, the issue has been in discussion though its implementation has always been delayed and hampered because of partisan politics as each side of the political arena strives to take control of the process. Both the Government and the opposition are eager to have a tight hold on it.

In 2004 the attempt that was made by the Government of President Mathieu KEREKOU to carry out the computerization of voters’ registration, failed. When the former Minister, Alain ADIHOU who was in charge of the project addressed the parliamentarians on the issue, the National Assembly and the Permanent Administrative Secretariat questioned its prerogative to do the job. At the time, there was also the fear that the Government might be contriving a deceitful plan to allow Mathieu KEREKOU to have a third term in office.

In the end, the Constitutional Court ruling on a request introduced to it on the subject declared the move unconstitutional on 25th of January 2005. The decision of the Court was motivated by the fact that the Government was not qualified according to the Constitution to go ahead with the project without an appropriate electoral act.

Boni YAYI, since he is in office, has committed himself to make effective the computerization of the electoral system. In the process, he asked the European Commission and the United Nations Development Program to perform an assessment on the feasibleness of the computerization of the voters’ registry before the 2011 presidential elections.

The report on the assessment made by the UE and the UNDP was handed over to the Government on Wednesday, December 11, 2008. In the report, it is suggested that if the computerized voters’ registry had been to be available for the 2011 presidential race, its carrying out would have started on the 1st of December 2008.

During the best wishes ceremony for the 2009 New Year celebration at the Palais du Marina the President Boni YAYI while addressing the heads of the State Institutions and the members of the Civil Society, restated his commitment to implement the project. The new deadline that has been set for its starting is March 2009.

Nevertheless, even with this new deadline, the analysis in the media, the contentious and contradictory statements made by some parliamentarians and Civil Society militants and the claims of the Head of the SAP/CENA during her press conference raised doubt about the implementation of the computerization project before March 2011.

The Coordinator of SAP/CENA referred to the Act no. 2000-18 of January 03, 2001 in a first time and then to the article 46 of the Act no. 2007-25 of November 23, 2007 which lays down general rules on elections in the Republic of Benin, on the SAP/CENA’s Coordinator. She maintained that the SAP’s functions are, among others, the conservation of the CENA’s administrative memory, the recovery, the storage and the maintenance of the election records, the preparation of the preliminary draft budget for the elections.

She went on to add that “a part from the role of record manager assigned to the SAP, the former Minister has insisted on ‘computerization and/or annual update of the permanent voters’ registry by professional bodies whose competence is proven and on the need for this to be done by a competitive bidding’ which is under the same Act relating to the prerogatives of the institution whose head she is.”

The current Minister in charge of the relationships between the institutions, Baba BODY, on his part, seems to claim the same prerogatives as the SAP/CENA which is right now under the authority of the President, the Head of State. This is actually an attribution conflict that may delay further the process of computerization of the voters’ registry.

It is as if the scenario which took place in 2004, is going once again to take place. For in a case of a dispute over which institution should conduct the project, the matter has to be reported to the Constitutional Court. The Court might take weeks or even months before coming up with a decision. The current delay is therefore going be worsen by this row which at last may make impossible the computerization of the voters’ registry for the 2011 presidential race.

Nonetheless, there might still be a way out of this deadlock. The political arena may reach a compromise to resolve the row and allow the project to start before the deadline of March if the parliamentarians can put aside their potential differences on the issue and pass swiftly a draft amendment to the electoral act.

This amendment is supposed to indicate clearly which body is qualified to perform the task. It is why a seminar took place on Wednesday, February 11, 2009 at “Palais des Congrès” in Cotonou to brief the parliamentarians on the issue.

All the major actors of the political arena attended the seminar. Some of them even reacted to give their impression about the project:

The Parliamentarian Adrien HOUNGBEDJI, Chairman of PRD

"... We must move towards the computerized voters’ registry which will allow us to have transparent and fair elections. So we welcome the initiative to give substance to this project which was born under the 3rd legislature of the National Assembly. However, I think that this is not a race or a race against time. It is about setting up a necessary institution that can help meet the challenge of establishing a reliable voters’ registry on time and according to the standards. But the goal is not to necessarily implement the computerization of voters’ registry for 2011. It is good that all political actors are involved in the discussions and that its instrumentation by a part of the ruling class is avoided. Our presence here, all political tendencies together is the proof of the interest that everyone bears to the reliability of this voters’ registry…"

Bruno AMOUSSOU MP, Chairman of PSD

“I can assure you that all of us are unanimously convinced that we can not go on organizing elections the way we used to. It is time to begin a process that allows us to have a real electoral roll. Therefore, the current initiative, though late, is very relevant and I think everyone of us will strive to ensure that it can be completed before the elections of 2011. But the important thing is the body that has to be trusted with the exercise and can make credible the results. If we do it in any driving condition, it is likely that at the end, disputes will arise on both sides. So, the question of the body which will conduct the exercise is an important issue. I think there will probably be soon in the National Assembly, the first decisions that we will have to take…”

MP Antoine KOLAWOLE IDJI of MADEP

"We are already late. But it is better late than never. We are here to do it, to do it properly and help do so. We need to make a consensus that allows the computerization of the voters’ registry to consolidate democracy. You know, any kind of manipulation can be introduced in the system and that is what we do not want. The computerization of the voters’ registry which allows anyone to take hold of the voters whenever he or she wants is not a good one...”

Alfred Cossi CHODATON
alf2chod@yahoo.fr

Tuesday, February 10, 2009

Benin Politics : CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS IN BENIN SINCE FEBRUARY 1990

February 1990: Suspension of the Constitution

February 1990: Organization of the Conference of Active Forces of the Nation in Cotonou

March 1990: Creation of the High Council for the Republic (HCR)

March 12, 1990: Nicéphore SOGLO was appointed Prime Minister of Benin by the HCR

December 1990: Adoption by referendum of the proposed new constitution establishing a presidential system an

a multiparty system

February 02, 1991: Organization of the first legislative elections of the democratic era

March 24, 1991: Nicéphore SOGLO won the first presidential elections in the democratic era

June 07, 1993: Installation of the Constitutional Court

January 1994: devaluation at 50% of the CFA franc

March 28, 1995: Organization of the 2nd general election

March 18, 1996: Mathieu KEREKOU won the second round of the presidential elections

June 07, 1998: Installation of the new Constitutional Court

March 30, 1999: 3rd legislative elections

December 19, 2000: Adoption of two new electoral laws

February 15, 2001: Installation of the High Court of Justice

March 4, 2001: Organization of the first round of the 3rd presidential elections

March 22, 2001: Organization of the second round of the 3rd presidential elections won by Mathieu KEREKOU

reelected as President of the Republic

April 05, 2001: Swearing in of newly elected President, Mathieu KEREKOU

December 15, 2002: Organization of the first communal elections of the democratic era, after the Conference of the

Active Forces of the Nation in 1990

March 05, 2006: Organization of the first round of the 4th presidential election

March 19, 2006: Organization of the second round of the 4th presidential election won by Boni YAYI

April 06, 2006: Swearing in of newly elected President, Dr. Boni YAYI

Alfred Cossi CHODATON

alf2chod@yahoo.fr


Benin Politics : A LEGACY THAT NEEDS TO BE RETORED

The19th anniversary of the National Conference of the Active Forces of the Nation

THIS MONTH, FEBRUARY 2009, BENIN IS TO CELEBRATE SOON THE ANNIVERSARY OF ITS CONFERENCE OF ACTIVE FORCES OF THE NATION WHICH HAS MARKED THE END OF SEVENTEEN (17) YEARS OF MILITARY AND REVOLUTIONARY RULE AND THE DEBUT OF A DEMOCRATIC ERA.
The Conference of Active Forces of the Nation took place from 19th to 28th of February 1990 and gathered four hundred and eighty eight (488) delegates from fifty one (51) political parties, different associations such as religious, professional and regional organizations including the Beninese of the diasporas.

The Conference had been convened by the Major General Mathieu KEREKOU, after months of civil unrest triggered by the economical crisis hitting the country; it was the worst crisis in decades. The Government of President Mathieu KEREKOU could not pay the salaries of the civil servants.

The military rule of Mathieu KEREKOU

Mathieu KEREKOU came to office on the 26th of October 1972 in a soldiery coup, after more than one decade of political instability marked by a succession of both military and civil governments.

In 1975, with the backing of the young elite, Marxism-Leninism was declared the official ideology of the State. Freedom of expression and multiparty system were banned.

In the late 80’s, the country’s economy was ruined. Mathieu KEREKOU therefore convened the Conference, in hope for a way to save the regime.

The Conference and its outcome

It was an unprecedented event in the history of the country when all Beninese were able to put their differences aside and let prevail consensus.

One unforgettable moment of the Conference was when Mathieu KEREKOU made his mea culpa and acknowledged his mistakes during the seventeen (17) years of military rule.

After sever criticisms of the regime of Mathieu KEREKOU and taking into consideration all the malpractice which plunged the country in a state of political, economical, social and cultural crisis, the delegates decided:
  • to put an end to Marxism-Leninism as a State ideology;

  • to install a transitional regime which should lead to the establishment of a democratic constitution;

  • to appoint a Prime Minister and a Legislative body for transitional period.
  • Mathieu KEREKOU who had been for the second time in power from 1996 to 2006, rule which left the country once more weak economically, politically and socially – the citizens of Benin had hoped that Boni YAYI, when in office would bring the nation under its feet and help unify the people. His rise had roused a lot of hopes and enthusiasms even in the political arena. In the second round of the 2006 presidential elections, the parties of RB, PSD and MADEP supported him. But, the reality since he is in office is quite different from what people had expected. Despite the apparent willingness of Boni YAYI to make this country an emerging nation, the momentum and the enthusiasm created by his rise are fading. Moreover, the country has been politically more divided than ever before as all the political arena is now focused on the preparation of the forthcoming elections scheduled for 2011. The parties of RB, PSD and MADEP which rallied behind him in the second round of 2006 race for presidency are opposed to him now. These three parties are now members of the alliance of G4 that intends to work for a change in 2011 presidential elections. Many analysts may see this situation as a predictable one. Nonetheless, things would be different, if the legacy of the Conference of Active Forces of the Nation could be restored. For this restoration, there is the need for a collective introspection of the ruling class in order to indentify the main causes behind the current deep division. In this process of restoration, the Head of State has a major role play. What should Boni YAYI do? Boni YAYI needs to talk to the hearts of Beninese. The Head of State is yet to find his own style, his own way of governing. The deceitful and crafty strategy consisting of attempts to divide, to oppose and to weaken the political parties that his predecessor had used to rule is now outdated. Such a strategy may be useful in a totalitarian regime but has little chance to work in a democratic nation that wants to become an emerging country. A more constructive dialogue based on trust and sincerity is what the Beninese need right now for the legacy of the Conference to be restored. It is the only way its 19th anniversary can be meaningful. Alfred Cossi CHODATON
On Tuesday 11th of December 1990, a democratic constitution was adopted allowing multiparty system and freedom of expression।
On Sunday 14th of March 1991, the former Prime Minister of the transitional period, Nicéphore SOGLO became the first democratic elected Head of State in Benin since 1972. A Legislative Assembly made up of sixty four (64) parliamentarians was also elected.

Almost two decades of multiparty democracy

Since then, the country has undergone two democratic transitions of power. The institutions have been able to function and avoid any major crisis. The oversight of Government by National Assembly has been effective. The Constitutional Court has been ruling over the issues relating to the constitution and its decisions have generally been abode by. Benin democracy has been viewed abroad as one of the most vibrant on the african continent.

Nevertheless, there is still a lot of challenges that all the leaders so far have failed to deal with successfully.

Challenges of the Beninese democracy

The country review report of APRM released in January 2008 has extendedly listed some of the factors which still constitute challenges to the Beninese.

Corruption
The problem of corruption remains a major one. Nicéphore SOGLO, when coming in office in 1991, promised to fight corruption. But after more than eighteen (18) years during which Mathieu KEREKOU came back in office and handed over power to Boni YAYI in 2006, little has been done to really combat corruption. Different scandals have been following one another. So far nothing has truly been done about the several cases of embezzlement of public funds and wrongdoings. The APRM in its country review report mentioned the fight against corruption as one of the most important challenges facing Benin.

Plethora of political parties

The political forces have always appeared divided. More than one hundred and fifteen (115) political parties have registered in Benin for a population which is about from eight to nine million. These political parties have been unable to agree upon what should be considered as the priorities of any governmental policy and have been opposing each other on the base of selfish interests. Position of parties over the different issues involving the future of the country is not based on any ideology other than the quest of power. Most of the political parties in Benin do not have a nationwide electorate. Instead their influence is limited to specific regions or ethnics. This issue was also mentioned in the report of APRM.

Polarization of administration
The administration and civil service are therefore highly politicized and the appointments of officials are subjected to the concept of regional equilibrium. This problem also includes the fact that some decisions involving technical considerations are based on political motives. One example has been the decentralization of territorial administration where the current central Government has shown little willingness in handing over the management of needed resources to the local government.

Unreliable electoral system

Benin’s electoral system is still completely manual and always allows controversies and accusations of vote rigging. Moreover, there has been little willingness till now on the part of the political actors to implement the computerization of this electoral system.

Widespread poverty
Despite all the efforts of the previous and current public authorities, poverty remains a serious problem in Benin as « a third of the population lives below the poverty line ». Benin’s economy is dependent on its neighbors mainly on Nigeria. This makes it vulnerable. Informal sector is dominant in the economy.

Above all, the lack of unity mainly in the political arena has not allowed dialogue to take place over these issues since consensus and patriotism raised by the Conference of the Active Forces of the Nation have completely vanished.

The need to restore the Conference’s legacy

After the rule of the former Head of State,